Why we won’t
have ManmohanCare, or ModiCare, anytime soon ~ Seema Singh Forbes
Health care has
never been high on the politicians’ agenda in India. And that truly explains
why in the last 66 years our healthcare system has grown like a malnourished
child, deficient on various parameters, be it delivery or quality. But around
this time last year, as the ObamaCare debate raged in the US, we heard a
similar promise from Prime Minister Manmohan Singh: That India will move
towards Universal Health Coverage (UHC) by 2017. But as they say, a few months
is a long time in politics, the PM’s promise rings hollow today.
To get a more
nuanced view on this you’ll have to read the set of healthcare stories we carry
in the latest issue of Forbes India which hits the stands today. I
provide here some teasers and highlight a few issues at play which, given the
limited space in the magazine, we couldn’t accommodate.
The idea of UHC
is not Utopian Many countries have adopted it, South Korea and
Thailand being recent success stories. At least 30 emerging economies are
moving towards it. To inject more energy into this, in December the UN General
Assembly adopted a resolution on universal health care and exhorted countries to
hasten their transition to this goal. For India, where the government’s health
spending is paltry 1.04 percent of GDP as against citizens’ out of pocket
spending of 3.16 percent, UHC could address many issues of access, social
equity, and economic growth. After all, as many as 39 million people fall below
poverty line in India every year due to healthcare expenses.
But as the
magazine story will tell you, it’s not going to be reality anytime soon. And
the simple explanation is nobody thinks healthcare is critical for votes. After
roti-kapda-makaan, the slogan we’ve heard for long is
bijli-sadak-paani (electricity-roads-water). For that to convert into
naukri-hawaa–swasthya (job-clean air-health), is no less than a mega
evolutionary process. It may take decades.
A 2013 McKinsey
report recommended health spending of 5.5 percent, whereas the High Level
Expert Group, set up by the Planning Commission to draw the UHC framework
recommends, 3.5 to 3.8 percent of GDP if India is to provide an essential
package to all. Yes, basic healthcare to all. Because international experience
shows if the wealthy/well-to-do population is included then there’s pressure on
the system to perform.
None of that
looks possible in near future. Meanwhile, here’s what is happening: insurance
penetration is increasing because people are individually (or through employer)
buying more health insurance and governments (both state and central) are
allocating more money to sponsored insurance schemes. As one former health
secretary of a northern state told us: “Just give money in their hands, let
them buy what they want…” Clearly, he was equating food with healthcare. Many
politicians and bureaucrats subscribe to this thinking.
But free market
principles don’t quite apply to medicine. If anything, this industry is known
to play a game of blind man’s buff. Patients are made to make critical choices
without having the expertise or full information needed to evaluate things –
from doctors to therapies. This was best explained back in 1963 when economist
Kenneth Arrow wrote his classic paper, “Uncertainty and the Welfare Economics
of Medical Care”. He showed how medicine is the extreme example where the
market fails to insure against uncertainties. Health economists since then have
termed pricing of hospital services as “chaos behind a veil of secrecy.” Which
is why the United States, one of the adopters of insurance-led healthcare,
spends over 16 percent of its GDP on health (9-10 percent is public money), and
ranks lowest among developed nations on its health system performance.
As the magazine
story on Labour Ministry’s Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana shows, it is hailed
by many as the panacea. On the face of it, this looks like a good thing. By
2015, the World Bank estimates, nearly 600 million Indians will have some kind
of health insurance. But when you look at the rising cost of health cover –
Indian insurance regulator, IRDA, announced 25% increase in health insurance
premium earlier this year and the cost of government-funded schemes are
shooting through the roof as well—it’s not hard to imagine we could find
ourselves in the unenviable position where the US is today. For an amazing
insight on this, read this latest Time magazine report, ‘Why Medical Bills are
Killing Us’.
In short, if
you bypass primary care (offered by public provisioning in most successful
health systems across the world) and let the insurance rule the roost, you get
a system that is not only expensive but also doesn’t care if you are
necessarily healthy. (This Economist special report shows people are living
longer, but are not healthier.)
That should
worry us. Because policy makers are linking health to vote bank politics and
apportioning state budgets towards government-sponsored schemes that fund
secondary and tertiary care. Because people get some financial protection, both
parties think the job is done. In reality, this is damaging the already
creaking public health system. Andhra Pradesh, where YSR Reddy showed
healthcare can help you return to power, spends over 68 percent of its state
health budget on Arogysri, the tertiary care health insurance. Other states are
following this; there are differences only in running them, not in the intended
outcomes. An AP state official I spoke to, lamented the rising cost of the
schemes and wanted the Centre to cap drug prices, but didn’t seem
bothered about analyzing where the fault actually rests.
By the same
logic, Labour Ministry’s Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY) is picking up
failures of the public health system. It is treating cases of diarrhea,
malaria, appendicitis and hysterectomies, which shouldn’t come to
RSBY in the first place. “If, as we’re dreaming, there is free UHC at least up
to secondary level then there would be no reason to have RSBY,” says Mirai
Chatterjee, a member of Sonia Gandhi-led National Advisory Council and of the
High Level Expert Group.
The moot point
is how we see primary care in this country. What we have in the name of public
health system is grossly inadequate; what we could have as complementary service
from the private sector won’t come unless some fresh rules of the game are set.
India is the world’s most fragmented and unregulated healthcare market, with no
standard of care, cost or fee. (More than 80 per cent of outpatient and 60
percent of inpatient treatments take place in private sector.) A malaria
treatment can range from Rs 5000 to Rs 20,000.
“Some basic
regulation has to be in place. It’s true the Clinical Establishment Act is
passed but not many states have taken it on board, including my state
ofGujarat. It’s clear the lobbies are very powerful, we understand that,” says
Chatterjee, who, as a NAC member, wants to go slow and build bridges with the
medical lobbies.
Time is running
out to devise a continuum of care that incorporates primary, secondary and
tertiary services. “It’s not the mandate of the private sector to look at
social returns, at least not at this point…it’s still fast growing industry,”
says Ashwin Naik, founder-CEO of Vaatsalya Healthcare, when asked if the
private sector would enter primary care. He points to the low margins in the
unorganized primary care. (More on that from other industry leaders in the
magazine.) Secondly, he says, we pay taxes so it’s the government’s mandate to
ensure right to healthcare.
(Here’s an interesting
example how the govt and the private sector in the US are solving this problem:
When the doctor is not needed.)
If in all these
years the government didn’t care about health, it’s naiveté to think
it will do so now, in times fiscal conservatism. But making regulation (not
over regulation) and enforcing them doesn’t cost much, especially if
it unleashes the creative energies of the industry.
But as one
principal secretary told me, “We have a classic case [in bureaucracy] where the
government runs its own business [of governance], competing with all other
businesses around.”
Disclaimer: The names in the headline, Manmohan
Singh and Narendra Modi, symbolize leadership. Instead of ModiCare, we could
well have SwarajCare or JaitleyCare. There’s not much in the name here. But the
thing is, does anyone care?
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